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Kaduna-based lawyer threatens Buhari with law suit over ministerial appointments

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For mulling the idea of not appointing a minister from each of the 36 states
of the federation, a Kaduna-based lawyer, Sunny Akanni, has threatened to
drag President Muhammadu Buhari to court.
According to Akanni, it would amount to gross violation of the Nigerian
constitution if the President failed to appoint ministers to represent each
state of the federation.
He said the constitution is so clear on ministerial appointments by the
President, asking why the President would be contemplating reducing the
number of ministers in order to cut cost.
The lawyer said: “I have heard speculations that the President wants to
reduce the number of ministers to be appointed to save cost of governance.
That is a very good step and I commend him for that, but in taking such
step, he has to be conscious of the provisions of the Constitution as well.
“Section 147 of the Constitution said the President shall appoint at least one
minister from each state of the federation, who shall be indigene of such
state.
“So, if a minister is not appointed from my state, I will challenge it in court
because that is a violation of the provisions of section 147 of the
Constitution. So it is compulsory that he appoints ministers from each of the
states, he has no choice.”
Credit : Daily Post

Man to die by hanging for killing 6-year-old girl

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By Suzan Edeh
Bauchi—Bauchi State High Court  yesterday sentenced to death by hanging Ibrahim Idris, 40, for killing a six-year-old girl after failing in his attempt to rape her.
Idris was dragged to the court, presided over by Justice Yelim Bogoro, by the state Director of Public Prosecution, DPP, Dawud Yakubu, who charged him with culpable homicide, an offence contrary to section 221 of the state law.
Dawud told the court that on September 14, 2012, the accused called the deceased, Asiya Mohammed, into his room with the intention to rape her.
He said when she refused, he used a knife to sever her head, put it in a polythene bag and threw it into a water channel.
He said the body of the deceased was recovered and taken to General Hospital, Darazo, for post-mortem examination before it was later handed over to her parents for burial.
He called five witnesses and presented the axe and knife the accused used to cut the head of the deceased as exhibits and the witnesses testified that he made a confessional statement.
In her judgement, Justice Bogoro said the confessional statement of the accused was direct, adding that the prosecutor proved his case beyond all reasonable doubt and sentenced the accused to death by hanging.
Justice Bogoro said:   “I, hereby, sentence you to death by hanging, but you have the right to appeal within 30 days.”

The International Criminal Court And Africa

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In July 2011, I was set to defend my project for the award of an LLB in law at the Faculty of Law, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka. I had written my long essay on the topic “Promoting international Criminal Justice and the Role of the International Criminal Court (ICC)”.
I had barely taken my seat when the first member of the defence panel fired what has become the African question “Why is the ICC obsessed with Africa and African leaders?” Before I could answer the question, the only female member of the panel asked “Why is it that only African leaders (referring to Charles Taylor and Laurent Gbagbo) are hurled before international tribunals for war crimes trials?”


I had answered by saying that the “alleged interest” of the ICC in Africa is commendable considering the turbulence of savage wars, genocide and widespread human rights abuses of the 1990s and early period of the 21st century in Africa. “The Rwandan genocide”, I remember I had said “is still blamed on the United Nation’s (UN) lame duck peace keeping force which stood by and did nothing while over a Million Rwandans were massacred. If the ICC or the West as we allege is taking too much interest in Africa, it is hypocrisy to condemn them since we will still blame them if they look the other way”.
The news of the near arrest of Omar Al-Bashir during the African Union (AU) summit in South Africa has opened a flood gate of debates on the propriety of bundling African leaders to the ICC to answer for their crimes against their own people. Many Africans see the ICC as a neo-colonial institution created by the US to whip “stubborn” African leaders into line.
The ICC, A Creation of the US?
After the end of the cold war, The UN General Assembly had mandated the International Law commission (ILC) to prepare a draft paper on the concept of an international criminal court.
The ILC submitted its final draft statute to the UN General Assembly in 1994 and this was followed by 4 long years of deliberations by various countries’ delegates to the United Nations Diplomatic Conference of Plenipotentiaries on the Establishment of an International Criminal Court.
The final draft of the Rome Statute was adopted by a vote of 127 state delegates against 7 votes with 21 abstentions. The treaty came into force on 1st July 2002 after it received its sixtieth ratification.
It’s ironic that the US which championed the creation of the ICC led the 7 states that voted against the final draft of the Rome Statute due to what it termed “fundamental concerns” over the powers of the Court to try US Servicemen serving in peacekeeping missions abroad.
The Clinton Administration signed the Rome Statute in December 2000 but never sought Congress ratification. However, following failed efforts to amend the statute to address the concerns raised by the US, the latter under the Bush administration publicly nullified its signature to the treaty and thus ceased to be a member of the ICC.
Russia and China like the US are not members. However, the UN Security Council can refer matters to the ICC for investigation and trial under the treaty.
How Does the ICC Work?
The ICC works via a system of complementarity. Under this model, state parties undertake to prosecute perpetrators of war crimes, genocide, crimes against humanity and aggression under using national laws and institutions but where state parties are unable to do so, the ICC could come in handy to try such perpetrators.
State parties can refer matters to the Court as is the case with many African situations before the Court. The Prosecutor of the court can subject to the approval of the Pre-Trial Chamber, refer cases involving state parties to the court. However, the UN Security Council can refer cases to the court. Even non-state parties could be referred to the court by the Security Council just like the case of the Sudanese president.
The Structure of the ICC
The ICC just like any international organization has a structure that guarantees its efficiency, independence and impartiality. Its structure comprises 4 major organs viz; the presidency, the Divisions, Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) and the Registry. There is also the Assembly of State Parties (ASP) which is the organization’s management oversight and legislative body and comprises representatives of state parties.
The presidency administers the court, while the Divisions carry out the judicial functions of the court at investigation, trial and appeal and is divided into the Pre-Trial, Trial and Appeal Divisions.
The Office of the Prosecutor is an independent organ saddled with receiving referrals for investigation or prosecution of crimes. The Registry is an organ charged with the non-judicial administrative duties.
ICC, the World or an African Court?
Although all the ICC cases are or have been from Africa, most of the cases are self referrals due to the inability of the African countries to punish the perpetrators. The Democratic Republic of Congo was the first country in Africa to refer a matter to the ICC for investigation and prosecution. Uganda and the Central Africa Republic (CAR) were to follow.
The situation in Dafur Sudan and Libya werevia the UN Security Council referrals, while the Kenyan and Ivorian situation and were initiated by the OTP.
The alleged obsession of the ICC with African countries stems from our inability to take advantage of the complementarity system to bring perpetrators of crimes under the Rome Statute to justice. South America has done more than join the ICC but has developed strong national institutions to bring perpetrators of impunity to justice.
Former Peruvian dictator Alberto Fujimori is currently serving a 35 year sentence for crimes against humanity, Augusto Pinochet battled till he breathed his last in his old age to wade off facing trial for his atrocities during his reign as head of state in Chile. The former Prosecutor of the ICC Luis Moreno-Ocampo led the legal battle against Argentina’s ex-military leaders for their atrocities while in power.
African leaders who are the definition of impunity would rather blackmail the ICC with charges of partiality than develop independent institutions that can punish perpetrators of impunity.
The non-prosecution of the leaders of the US over their illegal war in Iraq is often cited as an example of the double standards of the ICC. My response to such arguments is that no US President is above the law of the US as could be seen by Richard Nixon’s forced resignation and near prosecution following the Watergate scandal. So if African leaders can allow for a system that could make them liable to sanctions for a breach of their own national laws, then the ICC would be unnecessary.
The South African government would rather disobey its own court and let an international fugitive escape justice for genocide against black Africans in the spirit of “African” solidarity. How absurd!
African Hypocrisy
It is hypocrisy for Africans who would be likely victim of their leaders’ impunity to oppose the idea of African leaders being made to face trials for their crimes. I doubt if the millions of people lost in the Rwandan genocide or the victims of Darfur care anything about African pride as they look anywhere for justice (even from the devil).
The attempt to portray the ICC as a tool of western control and influence in Africa falls flat in the face of the fact that the ICC is dominated by third world countries. The current prosecutor is Ms. Fatou Bensoudaa Gambian and succeeded Luis Moreno-Ocampo from Argentina.
The Way Foward
Africans needs the ICC more. It’s hypocritical when ordinary Africans criticise the ICC for trying to save them from perpetrators of impunity and deter future perpetrators too. Though I would rather we had stronger mechanisms to try such leaders in at home but if wishes were horses beggars would ride.
If we can’t channel our criticisms to ensure such national institutions are in place, then the question is should we allow these leaders go free with the blood on their hands or ensure justice is done to the victims of such impunity through whatever forum?
Africans who are the victims of impunity and would trek through the deserts and risk drowning at sea to escape from the same leaders the ICC seeks to punish or deter, for a refugee life in Europe supporting the position to stop hauling murderous African leaders to face trial for their actions display nothing but a severe case of Stockholm Syndrome.
It is therefore my humble opinion that Africa and Africans needs the ICC more it needs us. It is clear third world countries dominate the membership of the ICC. Out of the 123 state parties, there are 34 African countries, 19 Asian and 27 Caribbean and Latin American Countries. Only 22 countries of Western Europe are state parties, thus giving developing countries a strong dominance. The charge that the ICC is therefore a tool of western imperialism is therefore false.
Furthermore, the eventual withdrawal of the charges against President Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya following his brief trial by the Court for lack of evidence to link him with the electoral violence that followed the conduct of the 2007 general election is further proof of the Court’s impartiality. Uhuru Kenyatta’s eventual discharge puts another lie to the fear that African leaders going to the Court would amount to such leaders jumping to their death.
The ICC had made a lot of gains in Africa but same is being eroded with the current belligerence and non-cooperation with the Court. Under the ICC, the atrocities of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) Rebels in Uganda became a global issue with renewed push to bring the leaders of the LRA to justice for their crimes especially the abduction of children for use as child soldiers and sex slaves.
Kenyan and Nigerian politicians in their recent general elections had the threat of being hauled before the ICC dangling over their necks like the sword of Damocles and thus the elections and transitions were relatively more peaceful than previous elections.
However, Burundi is set to explode, the CAR has been in turmoil, South Sudan is still a cause for concern and Rwanda if nothing is done might be returning to its past with the ambition of Kagame to continue in power at all costs.
It is the ordinary Africans that would still be the victims of the power struggles in these countries not Europeans or Americans. So I conclude by saying that we need the ICC more than it needs us.

Credit : Maduka Onwukeme is a Lagos based Legal Practitioner. He blogs on www.legalfido.com and can be reached on madukaonwukeme@gmail.com
Further Credit : Leadership

Court Affirms Judgment Against Kashamu’s Extradition

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A Federal High Court in Lagos Tuesday reiterated the validity of a judgment of the court restraining any extradition process against Senator representing Ogun East senatorial district, Buruji Kashamu.
In a judgment on a contempt application filed by Kashamu against the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF) and the Chairman of National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), Ahmadu Giade, Justice Ibrahim Buba held that for the avoidance of doubt, it must be stated that an order made by another judge of the court, Justice Okon Abang “is still subsisting and must be complied with until set aside by a superior court.”

Justice Buba, who earlier dismissed a preliminary objection filed by the NDLEA, said from the processes before him, he was satisfied that the defendants were properly served.
The judge then went on to determine the merit of the contempt application, and held that since Justice Abang had previously ruled on a similar case, the instant suit had merely become an academic exercise and unneccesary.
The judge, however, warned the AGF and the NDLEA Chairman to be of good conduct and obey the subsisting order of court.
“There should be no overzealous conduct from either of the parties. Government agencies must abide by the rule of law to avoid anarchy.
“They (AGF and NDLEA Chairman) should be of good behaviour until their appeal is determined
“No matter how aggrieved, they should abide by the order of court until there is a counter order from a superior court.
“For the avoidance of doubt, orders of Justice Abang are still subsisting and must be complied with,” Justice Buba held.
In the committal application, Kashamu had asked the court to declare that both AGF and NDLEA Chairman were in contempt of the court by reasons of steps taken, in obstruction of the administration of justice evidenced by the willful violation of the judgment of the court of January 6, 2014, in suit number FHC/L/CS/49/2014 and in order to pre-empt the judgment of the court in suit number FHC/L/CS/508/2015.
He also asked the court to declare that the invasion, destruction of properties, harassment, humiliation, arrest, and his detention by NDLEA at the instance of AGF from Saturday, May 23, 2015, and any extradition proceeding commenced thereupon undermined the integrity of the judicial process invoked in suit number FHC/L/CS/49/2010 and FHC/L/CS/508/2015.
Kashamu further sought an order nullifying every steps taken by both the AGF and NDLEA against him from May 23, 2015, including his arrest, detention, arraignment, proceeding whether for extradition or otherwise in pursuance of any request by the US government for his extradition on the basis of allegations forming the subject of the judgment of the court in suit number FHC/L/CS/49/2010 and proceeding in suit number FHC/L/CS/508/2015.
According to the previous matter, Justice Abang had nullified the provisional warrant of arrest secured by the NDLEA against Kashamu before a Federal High Court in Abuja.
Justice Abang also declared that until the judgment of the court against extradition was appealed against and set aside by the Court of Appeal, no extradition proceedings could commence against Kashamu.
The judge further held that the provisional warrant of arrest was obtained for want of jurisdiction in the sense that the judge’s attention was not drawn to the existing order barring NDLEA and the AGF from taking any further steps on the extradition process.
The court further declared the  proceedings before the Abuja Court as a nullity.
Credit : ThisDay

Sanction Dishonest Lawyers, says CJN to NBA

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The Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Mahmud Mohammed said on Wednesday that the bar must purge itself of its dishonest members for the bench to be free of corruption.
Justice Mohammed said since the bench was a product of the bar, it would not change if its origin remained the same.
The CJN spoke through another Justice of the Supreme Court, Justice John Fabiyi, who represented him at a one-day seminar organised by the Nigerian Bar Association’s Anti-Corruption Commission.
The event was themed  ‘The fight against corruption in Nigeria: The way forward’.

Justice Mohammed said it was time for the legal profession to ‎exorcise the pernicious ghost of corruption from its midst so that the bench could be free of unethical practices.
He said, “It is important to highlight that the bench is a product of the Bar and unless we work in synergy to ensure that only fit and proper persons remain in our midst, it will be impossible to expect a different bench when its origin remains the same.
“I hereby call on the leadership of the bar to expunge from its ranks, such persons whose conduct may be unfit, improper, dishonest or otherwise unethical.
“The time has surely come for us all to take concrete, meaningful and lasting action to exorcise the pernicious ghost of corruption from the most noble of professions.”
He said although there were corrupt judges in the judiciary, “corruption within the judiciary is only imbibed by a minute minority.”
The CJN however noted that while the judiciary continued to discipline erring judges, the beneficiaries of such corrupt acts were never punished.
‎He said between 2009 and 2014, there were 64 judges among the serving 1,020 judges of the superior courts of records as of 2014 “were disciplined as appropriate” with some of them sacked by the National Judicial Council.
Indeed one could say we are in the era of change!
Credit : The Punch

HISTORY OF NIGERIAN LEGAL PROFESSION

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                                       HISTORY OF LEGAL PROFESSION IN NIGERIA





The foundation of the legal profession in Nigeria dates back to the period before the advent of the British in Nigeria. But the profession in its present form comprising practitioner of the English type of law came into being in 1861, when English law and English type of courts were imposed on the Colony of Lagos by virtue of Ordinance No 3 of 1863 . The Supreme Court Ordinance, 1876 is the first significant regulatory statute relating to the practice profession and it provided that “The Chief justice shall have power to approve, admit and enroll to practice as barristers and solicitors in the court such persons as shall have been admitted as solicitors… in any of the courts of London, Dublin and Edinburgh”

The Chief Judge could, in his discretion approve, admit and enroll to practice as a barrister and a solicitor in the court any person, who was entitled to practice as a barrister in England or Ireland, or as an advocate in Scotland and who produced testimonials sufficient to satisfy the Chief Judge that he was a man of good character . Following the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern Protectorates to form the present day Nigeria, the Supreme Court Ordinance of 1914 was promulgated to unify the existing legal systems. The common law, doctrines of equity and statutes of general application which were in force in England as at July 1874 (later varied to January 1, 1900) were made applicable to the Federation of Nigeria.
In order to qualify as a legal practitioner in Nigeria, therefore, a person had to be called to the English, Scottish, or Irish Bar or be a solicitor in England, Scotland, Northern Ireland or Eire. On enrollment in Nigeria, he was entitled to practice as a Barristers and a Solicitor. The only thing common to these countries is that they belong to the home of the Common Law. They differed in their social, cultural, economic, circumstances; their legal systems as well as their training, practice, and regulatory authorities are not uniform. For example, the Scottish legal system is in detail different from the English. Both were different from the customary legal order operative in Nigeria. The foreign legal practitioners were doing in Nigeria what they were forbidden to do in their home country. In Nigeria, unlike the United Kingdom, legal practitioners are barristers and solicitors. In the United Kingdom they are either barristers or solicitors but could not be both. Some of them lacked the formal basic legal education but were granted license to practice; they were not required to study Nigerian Law before or after enrollment. The colonial legal structure provided legal framework for the needs of the colonial administration such as providing lawyers to serve as administrators and legislators as well as manage the institutions of justice. The legal profession is noble. It demands competence in most, if not in all areas of law practice, and a wide range of fundamental skills including the ability, not only to analyse legal problems but also to perform legal researches. The earliest legal practitioners trained in England and only children of royal birth –the direct descendants of the Obas, Emirs, Ezes or Obi’s and other aristocrats and few bright and intellectually sound children qualified for selection into universities overseas in pursuit of legal education.

POST INDEPENDENCE DEVELOPMENT
At independence in 1960, there was immediate need for a better system of legal education, being the engine of development and the most important instrument of meaningful change generally and a fundamental change in the intellectual and social outlook in particular. The Nigerian society needed an appropriate and relevant legal education capable of raising competent legal practitioners for her legislative and executive arms of government and more particularly in the institutions of justice. This informed the Government in enacting the Legal Education Act, 1962 . The Act established the Council of Legal Education (the Council) and charged it with responsibility for legal education of Africans seeking to become members of the legal profession . It expressly empowered the Council to do such things as it considers expedient for the purpose of performing its functions. The Council set up the Nigerian Law School, a specialized institution, that offers professional courses, practice of law and court attachments, law office management, Solicitors Account management, Advocacy, legal drafting, among other things capable of sharpening the skills of young lawyers from different legal families ranging from Anglo-Saxon, Roman-Germanic, socialist, traditional or Sharia families of law – all mixed together. The School, at present, operates in six campuses. The duration of training was first three months but now one academic year for law graduates from indigenous tertiary institutions or for two academic years for their oversea counterparts. There was also the Legal Practitioners Act, 1962, which also regulated the practice of Law in Nigeria. Both legislation separated academic from vocational aspects of legal education.
There is a large number of law graduates awaiting admission into the Nigerian Law School which now operates in six campuses because of the limited capacity and other infrastructure and inadequate ICT, networked systems and virtual and complementary accommodation and physical libraries .The objective of the School is to create and maintain a body of legal institutions and legal practitioners with a fine tradition and a sound legal culture suited to the conditions, aspirations and particular needs of a fasting developing federation of Nigeria, commonly referred to as the giant of Africa. The National Universities Commission Act, 1974 set up the National Universities Commission [NUC] as a quality assurance agency with a responsibility of advising the Federal Government and State Governments of all aspects of university education and general development of universities in Nigeria. The NUC determines the maximum number of law undergraduates each recognized Law Faculty must admit based on the strength of the staff and the quality of its library, moot court facilities, and other basic essentials. After the compulsory legal training by the Council, qualified candidates are called to the Nigerian Bar by the Body of Bench as Barristers and Solicitors and enrolled in the Supreme Court of Nigeria.